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Evidence of a Conspiracy to Assault & Taser an Honest 9/11 Researcher

We allow the ADL to provide training programs for our polic. Is it any wonder that our police have become Zionist attack dogs who have been duped into thinking that Christopher Bollyn and other honest Americans are dangerous, anti-Semitic criminals?


On 15 August 2006, Christopher Bollyn, an independent journalist and 9/11 researcher, was brutally assaulted and TASERed by three unidentified men who turned out to be plainclothes officers of the local police department. The leader of the gang of assailants had also worked with the Dept. of Homeland Security.

After breaking his elbow and TASERing him in front of his wife and daughter, Bollyn was arrested and charged with two misdemeanors: resisting a police officer and aggravated assault. He is currently fighting these baseless charges in the Circuit Court of Cook County, Illinois.

In this article Bollyn presents evidence indicating that the police assault was pre-planned and probably involved an outside agency.

The attack on Bollyn appears to have been instigated by the Anti-Defamation League, a foreign group advocating for the state of Israel, to punish him for his 9/11 research in which he has uncovered evidence of Israeli involvement in the terror attacks.

Bollyn has retained a lawyer and a private investigator to help fight the charges he faces. He needs your support to challenge this malicious prosecution and egregious example of police abuse of power. A successful outcome of Bollyn's case will set an example and help deter this from happening to others

Please help Christopher Bollyn to prepare his defense and challenge the corruption of our local police by donating to the Bollyn Legal Defense Fund. Your support is essential for this case to succeed. Thank you very much.

Donations can be made online at:

or by mail at:

Christopher Bollyn
3 Golf Center, No. 365
Hoffman Estates, IL 60195

Evidence of a Conspiracy to Assault & Taser an Honest 9/11 Researcher

The evidence indicates that the brutal police assault and TASERing I received last August 15, after I had called 9/11 to report a suspicious vehicle, was a premeditated attack. The evidence proves that the sudden and unjustified assault by three heavily-armed out-of-uniform police officers, which left me with a fractured elbow and TASERed, was a pre-planned attack.

This raises the obvious question of who was behind the attack and why was I treated in the way I was?

I have reason to believe that I was assaulted with brutal force, TASERed, arrested, and maliciously prosecuted because the Anti Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith (ADL), an advocacy group for the state of Israel, had smeared my name by telling the police that I was an "anti-government extremist."

"Training" local law enforcement agencies in "fighting extremism and terrorism" is one of the main functions of the ADL, a tax-exempt not-for-profit group that works to support a foreign nation – the state of Israel. In this way the ADL is able to smear American critics of Zionism and Israeli policies, like myself, as "anti-Semitic" extremists among local law enforcement agencies. It should be illegal for an advocacy group of a foreign state to be involved in training American police officers.

For more on the ADL training programs:


The ADL has smeared me since November 2001 for challenging the accepted version of 9/11 and bringing forth evidence of Israeli involvement in the terror attacks that changed the world.

My cardinal sin as a 9/11 researcher and activist – the thing that made me Public Enemy No. 1 in the eyes of the ADL – is that I have brought forth evidence that implicates Israeli intelligence and a network of highly-placed Zionist agents in the U.S. government and media in the "false flag" terror attacks and the subsequent cover-up of the truth.

It should come as no surprise that because I discuss the evidence of Israeli involvement in 9/11, my reporting is strictly taboo in the controlled media. I have also been marginalized within the so-called "9/11 truth movement," which, like the media, is largely controlled by wealthy and influential Zionists.

One 9/11 "truth seeker," for example, Jenna Orkin of New York City, whose father was known as the "Mighty Ork" of Hollywood, played the "anti-Semite" card to prevent me from speaking in Vienna during the European Truth Tour financed by Jimmy Walter in 2005.

More on Orkin: DarylBradfordSmith_PestControl.htm

Supporters of Israel and the Zionist-controlled media have sought to brand me as an anti-Semite in order to avoid discussing the evidence.

That is exactly what CNN did to me in January 2007. From a 2-hour interview, which they claimed to have arranged to discuss the evidence of 9-11, they included only the briefest segment in which I was asked, "Are you an anti-Semite?"

Please listen to the raw audio and then watch the edited CNN interview to understand the true goal of CNN:
Having studied the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for decades and earned a degree in its history, I was aware, long before 2001, of the Zionist history of using "false flag" terrorism to advance Israel's strategic objectives.

I was also aware that one of Israel's chief objectives is to bring the armies of the United States and other western nations into the Middle East on a long-term basis to defeat and defang the most recalcitrant foes of the Zionist state, primarily Iraq, Iran, and Syria.

A goal of Israel's regional strategy is to "Balkanize" or partition the nations of the Middle East into weak ethnic "statelets," as was done with the former Yugoslavia.

See: Bollyn-Balkanize_Iraq.html

The "War on Terror" is a radical Zionist concept, first introduced and articulated by Benjamin Netanyahu, the extreme right-wing Israeli politician, in a series of books and articles which appeared not long after Israel's criminal and disastrous invasion of Lebanon failed in the mid-1980s. Netanyahu's first book on the subject, Terrorism: How the West Can Win, appeared in 1986.

Three days after 9/11, Netanyahu, the former Israeli prime minister, was on Fox News telling Brit Hume and the gullible American public what the government should do to "counter the threat of further Islamic terrorist attacks" on the United States:

"I think what is required right now is for the United States not merely to seek out the specific perpetrator here, but to go and dismantle the entire evil empire of terrorism, because, if we don't, what I wrote in 1995, while it didn't come to fruition in precisely the way – they didn't plant a nuclear bomb in the twin towers – they used a 350-ton conventional bomb.

But these regimes that are part of this terror network are developing now nuclear weapons. If we don't dismantle this terror network in time, the regimes and the organizations that have absolutely no inhibition in destroying the United States and its allies. Then what we will see is that one day their mad fantasy will bring about not tens of thousands or even 20,000 victims in the United States, but hundreds of thousands or millions.

They are after our civilization. We must summon the forces of civilization and the force and the power to act against them now, when we have the power and when we still have the time to do so."

These rabid thoughts are those of one of the chief Zionist architects of the "War on Terror." Netanyahu was saying what he thought the United States had to do to respond to 9/11 – and this is exactly what President George W. Bush and the U.S. Congress have done. The Zionist dominated government of Great Britain has done the same.

There is, however, ample evidence to prove that 9/11 was an elaborate "false flag" operation designed to kick start the Zionist "War on Terror" that Netanyahu and his Zionist cohort had long dreamed of and actively promoted.

Apart from the obvious fact that Israel was the main beneficiary of the terror attacks, which were quickly blamed on 19 Arabs, there were hundreds of Israeli suspects who were apprehended as suspects in the attacks.

Most conspicuous were the gangs of Israeli intelligence agents, such as the 5 "dancing Israelis," who operated disguised as "moving men" and were caught filming themselves celebrating with the burning World Trade Center in the background. Similar teams of Israeli "movers," in moving vans that tested positive for explosives, were caught later near sensitive military facilities across the United States.

There were also more than 120 fake Israeli "art students" who evidently managed the "Arab hijackers" in south Florida. Other Israeli "art students" were caught trying to infiltrate strategic targets across the nation.

Familiar with the 1983 bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut, the Lavon Affair, and the attack on the USS Liberty, I know that the State of Israel has a long history of perpetrating "false flag" attacks on American targets in order to create the impression that the Arab states are anti-American and that Israel is the only trustworthy ally in the region.

In early 2001, both the United States and Israel came under radical regimes of the extreme right, the Christian-Zionist Republican Party of George W. Bush and the Jabotinsky-Irgun Likud Party of Ariel Sharon, respectively.

This unfortunate congruence of ideological allies presaged more genocidal violence of the type Israel had inflicted on Lebanon in 1982 when the former Irgun terrorist Menachem Begin and genocidaire Ariel Sharon held power in Israel and Ronald Reagan occupied the White House.

As Israelis know very well, the bloodletting often begins with the loss of their own. Ariel Sharon perfected the bloody art of provocation and false flag terrorism among the Palestinians and Israelis in order to foment the violence and civil strife that allowed him to realize his strategic goals.

From the beginning, 9/11 had all the hallmarks of a spectacular act of Zionist terrorism: an Israeli crime designed to be blamed on Arabs. As an independent journalist writing for a "populist" weekly newspaper in Washington, D.C., I was allowed to think – and write – about the evidence of the unthinkable: Israeli involvement in 9/11.

By the end of November 2001, after having written a series of articles based on evidence that was in the public domain, the ADL listed me under "Miscellaneous Hate Groups/Anti-Semitic Groups" as working for a "conspiratorial and anti-Semitic weekly newspaper," which had "turned to the subject of the 9/11 attacks as grist for its mill."


Oddly, the ADL singled out my article entitled, "Some Survivors Say Bombs Exploded Inside WTC," which had nothing to do with Israel, without mentioning my first 9/11 article about the 5 dancing Israelis who were nabbed celebrating the attacks on the World Trade Center.

The Anti-Defamation League obviously wanted to defame me without bringing attention to the very real evidence of Israeli involvement while the nation's wounds were still raw.

When the ADL listed me as an "anti-Semitic" journalist on November 29, 2001, I had already made the prudent decision to move to Europe. Realizing that my analysis of 9/11 directly challenged the "official" version and that the murder of 3,000 people was being covered up by the government and the controlled media of the United States, I thought I would be safer writing from Europe.

The ADL has continued to put me on its smear sheets of "anti-Semitic conspiracy theorists" ever since. On September 7, 2006, for example, three weeks after I was attacked and TASERed by a local officer/agent of the Dept. of Homeland Security, the ADL put out a national press release in which I was the first person listed as a "conspiracy theorist" who "blamed the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad for (sic) the Israeli government for the attacks."


The ADL exercises considerable influence within local police departments across the United States. It is most unusual and improper for an advocacy group working for a foreign state to wield such influence over law enforcement agencies. When a local policeman opened his book to write up a report, I saw that he had an ADL instruction brochure with their guidelines for carrying out an investigation.

If I was Public Enemy Number 1 for the ADL when I was assaulted and TASERed by out-of-uniform police, I need to know what the ADL had told the local police about me prior to the assault. Had the ADL smeared my name to the police? This would explain why the local police force was so hostile to me. They had probably been prepared with misinformation that prejudiced the police against me. The police, who are meant to serve and protect the public, are now being used as attack dogs for the State of Israel.

Immediately after I was beaten and TASERed by the out-of-uniform hit squad, I was attacked in the media by two people, Lisa Guliani and Scott Makufka (a.k.a. Victor Thorn) who supposedly worked with the 9/11 truth movement. What was most bizarre about this attack on my credibility is that these people were working closely with Michael Bernard Piper (a.k.a. Michael Collins Piper) and the American Free Press, a Washington-based weekly I wrote for at the time.

Guliani and Makufka wrote articles and produced Internet radio shows on WING TV, their website, in which they attacked the credibility of my account of what happened when I was assaulted and TASERed. Without even contacting me, Guliani and Makufka sought to impugn my credibility by relying solely on information provided by a police spokesman, Lt. Richard Russo, who could only refer to the police report of the incident.

The police arrest report was written by Michael Barber, the out-of-uniform officer who led the three-man tactical team which assaulted me. Barber had also worked with the Dept. of Homeland Security in post-Katrina New Orleans. Barber is the man who handcuffed and TASERed me while I was held down by two men, one of whom was kneeling on the critical temporal pressure point of my head.

Barber's arrest report was written after the arrest with little regard for the truth but with an obvious concern to present a version of events that would justify the police assault and use of the TASER on a restrained and subdued individual. It should be noted that the TASER is the last level of force short of using lethal force in the use of force continuum, and should only be used when all other options have failed to bring a suspect under control.

The arrest report is obviously full of lies and fabrications, some of which clearly contradict each other. The report does reveal, however, that the out-of-uniform team had made preparations to assault and TASER me, which they did within 20 seconds of my coming out of the house. The documented transmission logs of the police and fire departments help to expose the lies of the police arrest report.

See: Timeline_of_Events-arrest.html

The fact that no fewer than 5 police cars with 8 officers and two emergency vehicles from the fire department were en route to my house before anyone had even arrived on the scene indicates that the police were treating my non-emergency 911 call in a most unusual way.

The out-of-uniform tactical unit (No. 6744) led by Michael Barber intentionally misled 911 dispatch with false information that there was a "fight in progress" at my house at 20:01:03, i.e. three minutes before they even arrived at 20:03:56. This false report led the fire dispatcher, who sits beside the police dispatcher, to send an emergency crew of paramedics and a fire engine to the scene (20:01:06).

Deputy Fire Chief Robert Gorvett looked into why the paramedics arrived on the scene at the same time as the out-of-uniform unit. Chief Gorvett told me that it was because the out-of-uniform tactical unit in vehicle 6744 had informed 911 dispatch of "violence at the scene" 3 minutes before they arrived.

Gorvett said that the medics had not examined my injuries because Ofc. Wesley Schulz had told them that it was not necessary. Schulz also denied me medical attention during the entire time I was in police custody although I told him that my right elbow was injured.

Why did the out-of-uniform tactical unit provide false information to the 911 dispatch? At that time there was certainly no "fight in progress" at my house and I was not even at home. I was still on my way home from the store where I had made the 911 call. Barber's team evidently provided this misleading information in order to have emergency personnel on the scene in case their planned assault resulted in serious injury or death. As it happened, the fire department emergency medical vehicles arrived on the scene at 20:03:57, exactly one second after the out-of-uniform police unit.
The following are some of the lies contained in the police report written by Ofc. Michael Barber.

The arrest report, written by Barber, begins: "I, M. Barber #275 was patrolling in a blue unmarked police car with Ofc. Stoy #210 and Ofc. Felgenhauer #225 near Kingman and Illinois. All of us were wearing blue jeans t-shirts and black vests which carry body armor, clearly marked with a badge and the word 'Police' on said vest."

But later in the report Barber says: "We explained to him that we were with Hoffman Estates Police Dept. and Ofc. Felgenhauer showed him his badge."

First of all, these men never told me that they were with the Hoffman Estates Police Dept. And why would Felgenhauer have to show me his badge (which he didn't) if his armored vest was "clearly marked with a badge," as Barber wrote in the second sentence of the report?

My wife, Helje, was the first one to confront the three armed intruders on our driveway but Barber's report omits this fact. The men did not say hello, introduce themselves, or even say they were responding to my 911 call. Who these unidentified men were and what they wanted were our primary concerns.

When Helje asked them to identify themselves, they seemed perplexed. If the three men were wearing identical vests with police badges and the word "Police" on the front, she certainly would have seen it and not have asked, "Who are you?"

The first obligation of a plainclothes police officer is to identify himself as a police officer to the person he engages.

Unable or unwilling to show a proper badge or a police ID, Felgenhauer pulled out his Illinois driver's license. This seemed very suspicious to Helje. Barber flashed some kind of a badge on his belt by lifting up his body armor. This interaction occurred with Helje in the first 30 seconds, before I came into the scene.

None of these men were willing to give their names. The identities of these unidentified men were only revealed to us a month later, on September 18, by Lt. Perritano in a hand-written note.

One man is all that is required to explain – common sense would say that the other two should have remained in the car. Why should a team of three unidentified armed men in body armor, the very cause of my concern, march up my driveway to explain? It certainly appears that these men had a plan to intimidate and assault me – not explain their presence around my house.

During the assault, Helje tried to take photographs but was physically blocked and threatened with arrest by Ofc. Felgenhauer if she dared try to photograph the police assault. These photographs would have shown what the men did and wore during the assault.

Barber's arrest report begins with a fundamental lie in the police version of events. Contrary to what Barber wrote, there was no "Officer Presence," the first level in the use of force continuum, i.e. there were no visible uniforms or badges on the body armor vests of the three men. No police IDs were shown and the word "Police" was not printed on vests. How should we have known these men were police?

It was precisely because these men refused to provide any identification that the situation was not peacefully resolved. These men were aggressive and confrontational. They intentionally created tension by refusing to show any police identification to me.

Why weren't these men prepared to show their police identification – if that was really the reason they had come to my house?

Their failure to identify themselves is what prevented them from resolving this 911 call in a professional manner. It appears that they conspired to confront me in order to assault me.
Barber's report continues: "At approximately 1930 hours, we conducted a traffic stop near Kingman and Roselle."

I don't know if this is true or not, but why would an out-of-uniform tactical unit wearing body armor in an unmarked police car conduct a routine traffic stop while on a "gang suppression mission," which is what they told my brother they had been doing?

For that matter, why would a tactical unit on a "gang suppression" mission bother to answer a non-emergency 911 call? Why not let the normal uniformed police office handle the resident's call about the suspicious vehicle?

A month later, Lt. Perritano said these men had actually been doing "cross training." Was I part of the cross training? Was I the gang to be suppressed?

"At 1947 hours patrol received a call of a suspicious vehicle, a dark colored Ford Crown Victoria with 3 white males in the car…" Barber wrote. "We explained to dispatch that it was probably our patrol car and we would respond to the call and explain to the complaint (sic) that we were the police."

Here the report contradicts what Chief of Police Clint Herdegen told us during the August 17 meeting, which we taped. Herdegen told us that he had sent the out-of-uniform unit to our house to identify themselves and explain their purpose in our neighborhood.

If these were the orders given to the men by Chief Herdegen, why did the men fail to follow them? What were the real orders these men were operating under?

Furthermore, why would Herdegen send the tactical unit to my house after the 911 dispatcher had already dispatched uniformed Ofc. John Fitzgerald to respond to my call? And why does Herdegen's communication not appear in the transmission log?

Was Herdegen involved in this conspiracy from the beginning? Did he send this unit to patrol around my house in the first place – before my 911 call? How often does Chief Herdegen get involved in non-emergency 911 calls?

Barber wrote, "He [Bollyn] immediately said something to the effect of 'what agency are you with and why are you patrolling on my street. I saw you guys drive by 2 days ago?'"

Yes, I did ask the three men who they were and what agency they were with. I would not have asked this if their vests said "Police" and were "clearly marked with a badge."

I said that I had seen them prowling around my house for two days in a row and I wanted to know who they were and what they were doing around my house.

If the police chief had ordered these three men to my house to identify and explain themselves, why didn't they do that?

"We smelled an extreme odor of an alcoholic beverage coming from his breath and I also noticed that his eyes were bloodshot and glossy," Barber wrote.

This is a lie. I was sober, I had just biked to and from the store where I made the 911 call. I was standing at least 6 feet from the men on my driveway. I had been doing my journalistic work, researching and writing at the computer and making telephone calls all day. My eyes were neither bloodshot nor glossy, although I do wear contact lenses. It was the end of the day and my eyes get tired, especially after sitting in front of the computer all day long.

If the medics would have checked me on the scene, they would have witnessed that I was sober. No field sobriety test was done by the police either. As a matter of fact, no medical attention was given to me although I had been TASERed and my elbow had been injured.

"Ofc. Felgenhauer noticing the agitated state of Bollyn called for immediate backup," Barber wrote.

We certainly didn't see Felgenhauer do this and there were three of us watching these men closely. Furthermore, there is no indication of this in the transmission log. The log, in fact, shows that there were at least 8 officers in 5 police vehicles either on the scene or en route to my house before the out-of-uniform unit had even arrived.

One marked police car had arrived first, but had kept itself at some distance from my house. Now, why would a uniformed police officer (Joseph Kruschel) responding to a resident's non-emergency 911 call do that?

A second police car arrived shortly before I was attacked. This was Ofc. Fitzgerald, the uniformed police officer who had been dispatched to handle the call in the first place, according to the police log. Why had Fitzgerald not responded to the call instead of the tactical unit? Did Herdegen tell him to hold back and let the tactical team confront me first?

Is this not proof of a conspiracy to entrap, threaten and provoke a physical altercation?

"Bollyn was yelling louder and louder as time progressed," Barber continues. "Bollyn was clenching his teeth and began rocking his body back and forth in an aggressive demeanor and I saw his right hand opening and closing into a fist. We once again tried to explain to him who we were and what we were doing."

This is a complete fabrication. None of this is true. My encounter with the police was extremely short, lasting about 15-20 seconds before they attacked me. There was certainly no clenching of teeth or fists and I did not rock my body in any way. These are lies.

The three men did nothing to de-escalate the situation. They did not conduct themselves as professional police. These men made no attempt to identify themselves or explain what they were doing. If they had identified themselves or worn badges on their vests there would have been no reason for me to fear them or fetch my brother from the house to help me.

"He then said something to the effect of, 'You are just a bunch of Fed bastards…,'" Barber wrote.

This is an interesting fabrication. If they had worn clearly visible badges and had identified themselves as Hoffman Estates police, why would I be calling them "Fed bastards?" This makes no sense at all.

"I asked him to calm down," Barber continues, "at which time he raised his left hand in a pointing fashion, pointing his finger approximately 3 inches in front of my face and said 'I'm on my property.' His chin was lowered, teethed (sic) clenched and his body was bladed like in a boxer stance. I saw his right hand now clinched in a fist. I immediately stepped back and told him to put his fist down."

These are all fabrications. This description is presented in the arrest report in order for Barber to say that I threatened him and that I was close enough to deliver a blow. These are the requirements for the charge of aggravated assault.

I made no fist at any time, nor was my "body bladed like in a boxer stance." I have no history of violence or fighting, I am not a boxer, nor have I had any training in martial arts or self defense.

There were three armed men wearing body armor confronting my wife and child and I was completely unarmed. Here the officer says that I am physically threatening him while he has two armed men beside him and another 8 officers arriving behind him? This is quite preposterous.

The fact is that I never got closer than about 6 feet to these men and my arm is less than 3 feet long.

Barber continues: "As I stepped back, he stepped towards me again. I put my right hand up to stop him from coming any closer to me…"

This is pure fantasy. Barber is creating a scene that simply did not occur. I was no closer than 6 feet from these three men and had no desire to get any closer. Barber did not have to raise his hand to keep me from coming closer. He is trying to go through the steps of the use of force continuum in order to justify what he said he did next – unsnap the holster to his weapon.

Barber continues, "…and unsnapped my holster to my X-26 taser with my left hand."

When Barber unsnapped the holster to his weapon as he stood facing me, I would have seen this as a clear warning of an imminent assault with a weapon. I would have perceived this as a direct threat to my life by an unidentified intruder.

The fact that Ofc. Barber says he unsnapped the holster to his TASER gun seconds after his arrival, indicates that he was more prepared to use a weapon than he was to identify himself.
Here Barber indicates that he was preparing to use his TASER and even letting the suspect know that he intended to use a weapon.

This is evidence that it was Ofc. Barber who was preparing for an armed assault and who had the ability to deliver it.

I was standing about 6 feet from Barber when he unsnapped his holster for his weapon. At that point I certainly realized that my life was in danger and that I had to get away from him. I said something like, "I'm going to get my brother. I need some help," and turned toward my house and took 6 quick steps for the door.

For Barber to have un-holstered his weapon clearly signaled to me that he presented a threat to my life. Should I not be in fear for my life if I see one of these three unidentified armed men grab for a gun?

Let's pause for logic. If, indeed, these men had just finished identifying themselves, and explaining their business on my street, it would have made no sense for me to get my brother from the house or run for my life.

"Based on his aggressive demeanor and his prior statements about being anti-government, I felt that he was going into the house to retrieve a firearm," Barber wrote.

Here Barber tries to portray me as "extremely dangerous" and "violent", obviously something he had been briefed about prior to his mission. I had made no "anti-government" statements. This is the exactly the kind of language found in the ADL "training" information provided to police.

I had not committed a crime. I was never told that I was under arrest. What would I be arrested for? Was I to be arrested for asking these aggressive and hostile intruders to show their identification and explain their business on my property?

How did Barber "feel" that I was going to retrieve a firearm? They had no search warrant for a gun. I have no weapons nor do I have a history of owning or training with weapons. If the police were watching me, as Ofc. Fitzgerald later said, I can presume they would have been aware of these facts.

"I grabbed him around the waste (sic) from behind telling him he was under arrest as he opened the screen door to his house," Barber wrote. "He was still attempting to go in the house. He then began stating something to the effect of 'you are on my property, you can't arrest me.' With the help of Ofc. Stoy and Felgenhauer we were able to prevent him from going into the house however his arms were flailing around as if he were trying to strike us. We were able to trip him, all of us falling to the ground. He attempted to get up several times still trying to fight with us. Based on his size, we could not get his hands behind his back and had a hard time preventing him from getting up off the ground. When we were able to stop him from getting up he would then put his hands underneath him preventing us from handcuffing him."

This is false. I was thrown to the ground before I could open the front door. My left hand was immediately handcuffed from behind and my right arm was pinned beneath my body.

Two men then knelt on top of me: Ofc. Stoy knelt directly on my temple, pressing on the temporal pressure point with his full body weight (ca. 200 lbs.). Putting pressure on the temporal pressure point effectively paralyzes an important nerve center, but it also cuts off blood to the brain and can cause permanent damage if held over thirty seconds.

Stoy remained kneeling on this critical pressure point for at least 2 minutes. This is why my face turned purple and my eyes were bulging out, as my wife noticed with alarm. This is when she ran to get the camera.

This use of intense pressure on the critical temporal pressure point is not a recognized police procedure. This pressure hold is meant to torture or paralyze the victim and cause permanent injury. Stoy is a former guard at Cook County Jail.

The other man, Barber, knelt on my right elbow and back. His kneeling on my elbow is probably what caused the occult fracture. I was immediately pinned to the ground and unable to resist. My left hand was handcuffed and my right arm was stuck beneath my body when I was thrown to the ground. I couldn't move anything even if I wanted to.

"I then deployed my X-26 taser ser. #x00-178384," Barber wrote, "removing the cartridge to pre-pare for what is commonly referred to by Taser as a drive stun. I applied the taser to the left portion of his rib cage/back, yelled 'stop resisting' and discharged the taser."

This is a fundamental lie for Barber. He wants to show that I was resisting arrest and that he had only used the TASER to subdue me. This is, however, completely false.

I was already completely subdued and handcuffed with two men holding me down when I felt this square object placed against my lower back on the left side of my spine. There was no verbal warning of any kind given prior to being TASERed.

I then felt this terrible shock throughout my body. The use of the TASER was completely unjustified. The TASERing was done only to injure and torture me. I believe it was premeditated. Barber notes that he had unsnapped his holster 15 seconds after meeting me. The use of the TASER in this case is clearly criminal.

Barber continues: "He immediately stopped resisting and the taser was deactivated. (Attached is the information downloaded from the above taser documenting the taser discharge). Several Officers responded to our location. Ofc. Felgenhauer was able to handcuff Bollyn's left wrist at this time and we commanded him several times to remove his right hand from under his body."

This is a lie. I was not resisting at any time. How can somebody remove their arm from beneath their body with two men kneeling on top of them? In the police arrest report there is no mention that Ofc. Stoy was kneeling on my temporal pressure point.

It is a lie that Felgenhauer handcuffed my left wrist. Felgenhauer was not involved in the assault. My left hand was handcuffed immediately and it was Barber who handcuffed me. Barber is trying to hide the fact that he had handcuffed my left hand prior to TASERing me. To TASER a person who is handcuffed and completely restrained is unjustified and usually considered an act of torture.

"I then met with Jay Bollyn, brother of the offender who had come out of the house during the incident…" Barber wrote. "Jay said that his brother is very anti-government and writes for an anti-government paper in Washington, D.C. He said that his brother does have a violent temper and does consume alcohol. When he came home from work today he noticed that Bollyn did seem angry as if something had set him off, but didn't know what. Jay said he didn't see the incident, just heard the commotion and came outside to see what was happening. He said his brother has not received any psychological treatment."

Here Barber uses the ADL's "anti-government" phrase twice in one sentence.

Jay Bollyn read this report about what he supposedly said and responded:

"I said that you write for a weekly newspaper, located in D.C. that focuses on government conspiracies. I did not say anything at all about a violent temper or alcohol. What I did say was that you seemed 'animated', and I did use that exact word. I don't remember any discussion about psychological treatment. If I was asked about this, I would have said that I was not aware of any such treatment.

"The most blatantly untrue statement," the older Bollyn wrote, "which is completely fabricated, is about the violent temper."

Barber continued: "I then was able to relay to my immediate supervisor that a taser had been discharged. With the information from his family member concerning his anti-government sentiment and today's actions of the same nature, paramedics were to be called upon his display of lesser aggression. Bollyn appeared to be in good health and not injured."

This is a fabrication. No member of my family informed Barber that I have an anti-government sentiment. It is more likely that Barber was told this by somebody else, like the ADL, before the incident.

Barber's use of the phrase "Today's actions of the same nature" indicates that he had been given information about my alleged "anti-government sentiment" earlier. Who, beside the ADL, would have given the local police such information?

I told the police several times that my right elbow was injured. I told them that they had injured my arm before they put me in the cell. They completely ignored this. They then put me into a cell in which there was no running drinking water. I told Ofc. Fitzgerald that I desperately needed a glass of water.

Fitzgerald was obviously aware that there was no water in the cell. "Drink from the toilet," he said. Why would he say such a thing? I wondered if they treated everyone so badly.

I asked Fitzgerald why they had been prowling around my house for two days in a row. "We're watching you," he said. There were two other officers present when he said this.

This comment indicates that the ADL or another agency had instructed the police to conduct close surveillance of my home.

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